Oct. 10. (Sn), 2021 The Literate Butcher 知青屠夫 with a vernacular sociological perspective

10-10-21 (Sn) The Literate Butcher 知青屠夫 

The Literate Butcher 知青屠夫 with a vernacular sociological perspective (i.e., non-academically).

(Written In English, translated in Mandarin with a minor interpretation).

A familiar saying goes, “Well begun is half done, “ which inspires people to be proactive and well prepared themselves at the very beginning of any tasks. But what if it turns out to be obstacles for the intended consequences?

Recently, some stories have been reported that well-invested education does not meet with its return on investment (RIO). I read several anecdotes about it. Yes, they are not personal issues, but institutional, structural. These cases have a commonality associated with life chance/opportunity and social mobility. One of these episodes is about Mr. Bu Xuen Zhao. Through an interview with a mass media agency  (attached below), I got more information that provided me to write this article.

好的開始是成功的一半, 是一句相當鼓舞人慎始上進的座右銘. 但是若非如此的時候, 那究竟是會怎麼一回事呢? 難道真還有好的開始, 是成功的絆腳石嘛?

最近聽到幾件學歷與覓職的關係, 尤其是有關於名校畢業生, 從事於與學歷不相稱的工作, 比如北大女畢業生當保姆, 大學博士賣雞排等等. 其中有一樁關於趙步軒先生的故事, 經由大眾媒介報道, 提供比較多的細節. 我就根據趙先生的故事寫下這篇文章.

Before tackling Mr. Zhao’s case, some taken for granted notions need to be clarified here. Generally speaking, how many college graduates are able to apply what they learned from school to make a living and create a life? Except those professional subject matters, such as medicinal sciences, engineering, laws, technological relevant fields, other majors, like humanities, social sciences, tend to face job- marketability issues. Recently I read an anecdote, regarding a professional couple who urged their children never to touch career-unmarketable majors. Their motto to children is “Be mastered at engineering, physics, chemistry, and technology, then, never have you to worry about the rest of your life…” This type of seeing higher education being the pathway to build a career future seems nothing unusual. As to the ultimate purposes of education, turn unpractical, if not unreachable goals.

在論及趙先生的個案之前, 有幾項基本觀念, 值得加以澄清. 大家可以問問看, 在社會上真正能夠學以致用的人有多少, 除非是專業性的, 尤其是理工醫科技相關的學科, 其他大部份學文法科的, 拿了畢業證書, 煩惱也就開始了. 舉最近的一個例子, 有一個中共國的優等生, 出生於專業上等家庭,父母都是國企工程工業的高收入者. 他們對孩子灌輸學習文學歷史哲學地理這方面學科的沒用論, 生怕孩子將來成個家裡蹲, 無法謀生, 父母還得養成年孩子一輩子. 父母給孩子諄諄教誨, 時時耳提面命的一句智慧名言是: “學好理工化,走遍天下皆不怕.” 這種把上大學受教育, 與打造職業飯碗做連結, 似乎是一種很自然的現象. 這種專注職業市場的取向, 有其現實的考量, 然而對於教育最終的目的, 在於發展全方向 - 德智體群育樂美兼備的國民素質, 造成相當大的偏態發展. 這也使我聯想到個人在他鄉異地歷任教社會科學二十二年, 也難免自我省思這條漫長的旅程: 教育的最終目的, 是在解放長期被幽冥意識形態禁錮的心靈.

According to the origin and meaning of education by online etymology, “Education is the process of facilitating learning, or the acquisition of knowledge, skills, values, morals, beliefs, habits and personal development.” Higher education is not equivalent to the job training center, though the training is part of Education. There are many majors and minor fields in most colleges and universities. Some of them directly relate to the job markets, while, others, do not. Many college graduates find the Commencement Ceremony that is the inception to learn how to "live" or survive, including myself who, having been teaching for twenty two years of social sciences, questioning if liberate one's mind as the ultimate mission of education... 

Now, let’s begin to talk about Mr. Zhao.

根據詞源學的解說, 教育是提供獲得知識, 能力, 價值, 道德, 信念, 習慣, 和個人成長的學習過程. 一般的正式教育機構, 並非等於職業訓練所, 雖然訓練也是教育當中的一部分. 一般大學的學習科目繁多, 有些是專業性的, 畢了業後, 工作好找, 而大部分不並不是. 因此, 有很有很多大學畢業生, 畢業了之後才開始當學 ”生”, 包括我自己. 做了這一段序言之後, 開始來談談趙先生的狀況.

 The interview of Mr. Zhao

Mr. Zhao grew up in a poor farm family in China. Through his endeavors, he passed the throat-cutting national entrance examination to a top school -the Beijing University, with a literature major. Such a success was a rare surprise to his village. His friends and folks wholeheartedly celebrated this high achievement.

After graduating, he was assigned a non-promising job out of boondocks, seemingly without any advancement hopes. Then he quit. When a man loses his job, marriage and family can turn into another foe.  Through twists and turns of life challenges, he divorced, and ended up in a market, selling pork as his last straw.   Though he worked hard to saving face by hiding the secret of his academic identity, people did dig out something about him.  Some sneered at him, while others sarcastically murmured, " what a waste of the country's resources, and now come here to competing with our butchering jobs..."

One day, a villager came to town, accidentally discovering Mr. Zhao who, with the thick black-frame eyeglasses, steamed with the moisture of sweats,  lowered his head, gingerly cutting a piece of pork while chatting with the costumers with gentle voices. The villager at the beginning, could not believe his own eyes. After several careful glances, he confirmed what he saw. Then, he reluctantly shared the information to Mr. Zhao's aging father.  The senior Mr. Zhao took the villager's words as nonsense. But rumors spread to his ears more often.  The senior decided to dispute the fake news. He gathered some money, all the way to the town, peeping at his dear son's working conditions.  He shook his head, with tears, silently went back home.

He did well through his efforts and knowledge. Great success comes to him in the pork business. He became a celebrity from both camps of respect for his accumulated wealth and being belittled for his butcher’s job inconsistent with his high educational achievement. The title - Beijing Butcher was stuck to him.

Since he was famous, he was invited back to Beijing university to give a talk. On the podium, the first sentence he uttered was “I am ashamed of myself to disgrace my alma mater for being a pork vendor…”

根據媒體報道, 趙先生出生於一個貧寒的農家, 村裡人是沒有人上過大學的, 而他努力向上, 考上了最高學府北京大學的中文系. 此一偉大的成就, 震撼了整個村落. “咚咚咚嚨咚嗆, 咚咚咚嚨咚嗆”, 鑼鼓喧天, 火花鞭炮齊響徹雲霄, 一如封建時代的莘莘學子寒窗苦讀, 中了壯元榜眼探花似的, 喜訊瀰漫整村莊, 前來分享榮耀與真心道喜的人, 絡繹不絕.

然而自此, 好的開始並非是成功的一半 - 戲正上演:

考上名校與畢業於名校之間, 存有很大的落差, 因為涉及了比出身名校更重要的的一件事 - 找工作. 在中共統治下, 趙先生幸與不幸地被分發到一個花不開鳥不生蛋的地方, 從事一個卑微的工作了. 你看至少黨國還是派給他一個工作, 哪怕是如何的沒前途, 糟蹋了他的才能, 那這到底是幸還是不幸? 我想全球有多少大學畢業生, 在數位化電腦化的情況下, 粥湯越來越稀, 僧侶數量十倍百倍地翻, 大專畢業生充當躺平族家蹲族啃老族是不在話下. 不過以當時的情況而論, 以一位自我期許甚高的趙先生, 是可忍孰不可忍. 結果他離職了. 後來婚姻也是告吹了, 導致身無分文, 最後走上了賣豬肉了這一條途徑.

在城裡雖然他保密到家, 還是有人探聽到他的背景, 認為這是很荒唐的事, 甚至於斜著眼睛皺著鼻子看他的人, 越來越多. 有的更是尖酸刻薄罵道, “讀那麼多書幹什麼呀? 浪費國家資源, 還來搶我們的工作!” 有一天突然有個村裡的老鄉到了城市, 發現了趙先生的黑眼鏡框兒, 霧濛濛的貼著細細膩的汗水氣, 低頭專注的在切一塊豬大腿肉, 同時又親切地與買肉的顧客, 談一些家常事. 這老鄉簡直不敢相信他的眼睛, 揉揉眼睛, 多瞧幾遍, 方確定. 他回去了村落, 不忍心地告訴了趙老頭子這回事. “眼見為信”, 父親不肯相信這個事實, 親自到城裡一趟. 目睹現狀, 猛搖著頭. 終究一把鼻涕一把眼淚的地回了村.

這一幕幕往日重現的景象, 直指蘇秦佩六國相印之前的父不認子, 妻不認夫, 嫂不認叔的悲慘落寞, 儒林外史中胡屠戶鄙視中舉前的范進的世態炎涼...

一錢逼死英雄漢. 趙先生若非已經走投無路了, 是不會插手這個事兒. 他聲稱並不是看不起這個行業. 的確, 剛開始, 真是放不下他高傲的知識份子的身段, 然久而久之, 做熟了, 朋友也有了, 錢也賺了. 獲得的收入, 遠比一些幹部官員要多的很多. 生活也開始優裕了起來. 他認為他能夠比同儕賣得更多的豬肉, 賺更多的錢, 證實他所讀的書是有幫助的. 爾後一傳十, 十傳百, 北大屠夫的聲名遠播. 後來他的一個事業上很有成就的同學, 邀請他放棄這名不正言不順的豬事兒, 與他一起做 “更高尚” 的事業, 悶聲發大財. 剛開始他拒絕. 後來他想想財務上已無後顧之憂, 也就隨緣放手一玩了. 趙先生自此, 事業也越做越大, 遠近馳名. 他的母校終於請他回去分享成功經驗. 他是躊躇, 但勉為其難的答應了. 登臺演講對北大學生講的第一句話是 - 我很羞愧, 讓母校丟臉等等, 似真心又含蓄的表達.

Most people believe that a good education gives one more opportunity to land a better job which affects one’s upward social mobility in enhancing his/her social status. Sociologists tend to use education and occupation to examine one’s social class. This is encouraging news, particularly, to the societies that are more open, and personal talent-and-efforts in competing for a job are more fairly evaluated.

故事到此告一段落, 現在就開始比較枯燥的社會學分析:
Mr. Zhao' story ended here. The following sections are some of my sociological observations:

一般人相信教育, 尤其是好的教育, 可以改變一個人的生活與機運. 社會學家常用教育與職業指標來端視一個人的社會階級 (在有些社會, 父母的教育與職業的聲望, 有時候比子女的個人努力更重要更有影響力, 細節後談). 在一個比較開放, 重視人的努力與天份的社會, 這個社會學觀點的正確性與預測性是相當高的.

In some conditions, the above “good education yields better life chance/opportunities” assumption might not be true when taken out of some social contexts for a couple of reasons.

The first context is the socially constructed occupational hierarchy.
In most societies, people recognize all occupations are important; all walks of life are equally significant to humanity. Nevertheless, across all human societies, rank-and-ordering occupations based on prestige and/or income are a common phenomenon. Some jobs offer more income and/or prestige, which tend to require more educations, training, experience, and the rest of desirable occupational qualities. Thus, these jobs, usually, are not abundant, thus, competitive. Particularly, people tend to prefer jobs that will not make fingers dirty, thus, white-collar jobs can be more attractive than blue, pink-collar ones.

但是把教育與職業成就的正相關, 單獨取出來, 不考慮其他相關因素, 那麼事實可能就不完全那麼單純了. 以下我就提出兩個基本的原因.

第一, 由社會所建構的職業聲望排序

名義上, 很多社會強調勞工神聖, 職業沒有富貴貧賤之別, 而實質上, 一般社會都對職業的收入與聲望, 皆有所等評 (請參考下面兩張圖表). 這也反映出一般人對於選擇白領階級工作的傾向, 高於從事藍領粉紅領, 待遇安保較低的勞力工作. 比如趙先生的狀況, 雖然他腳踏實地, 辛辛苦苦販賣豬肉累積財富, 也免不了透露出的對職業高下的深根蒂固觀念. 尤其是他是一位知識分子, 沒有暴發戶的氣象, 更能深切感覺到財富與聲望地位的差距,令他感到忐忑不安, 這可從他對比大學生分享經驗的第一段話看出來.

眾所周知, 高收入, 高聲望的職業, 需要高的教育, 職訓, 與經驗, 比如醫生, 工程師, 律師等等, 並非搓手可及的專業領域. 從事這方面工作的專業人才, 相對的稀少, 競爭力也比較強. 這一階層的專業人士, 常被視為精英份子, 社會也給予較高的職業收入與聲望, 也受到較多人的欣羨與推崇.

然而又是哪些人, 有機會能夠進入這些高收入高聲望的專業生涯呢? 根據多種社會科學研究, 一般中上階層的子女, 比下層社會的小孩, 容易得到所需要的求學與訓練之資源和文化財的影響, 得到好的教育投資, 做好求職前的優質準備. 相形之下, 資源缺乏的小孩, 除非天縱英明, 稟賦特異, 加上個人的努力奮鬥, 一般很難跨上 高聲望高收入的專業的門檻.

趙先生的 case, 是出生清貧, 資本財文化財方面, 可能比不上一些城市中的中產階級, 更不能與一些紅二代, 官二代, 富二代相比, 但可能是天資穎異, 加上努力用功, 對自己有極高的期許, 考進名校, 揚眉吐氣. 這一階段的故事, 是相當鼓舞人心的.

The following chat is the job ranking based on prestige in the US.



The following ranking is based on job compensation in China:

Most people believe that the best-qualified applicant gets the best job. This assumption usually is based on the meritocratic ideal which is rooted in a myth of the leveled playing field for the pursuant. Every competitor stands at the same starting points. The competing process is nothing to do with social class, race, ethnicity, gender, language, nationality, politico-economic structures…etc. diverse bio-social advantages or constraints, nor treated accordingly. For example, in 1951, Ms. Rosaline Franklin, a well-educated scholar from an upper-middle-class, joined the Biophysical Laboratory at King's College, London, as a research fellow. She applied X-ray diffraction methods to the study of DNA. At that time, very little was known about the chemical makeup or structure of DNA. Her contribution to the research team was not much recognized. Dr. Watson's well-read book, The Double Helix, has slightly depicted the gender discrimination surrounding her.

This event happened in the mid-20th century, not to mention, the old-style societies of which the aftermath is still lingering in the 21st century, such as ancient Egypt, Greco-Roman-Judeo Christian eras, Hindu, China, and the rest, there, classism, racism, genderism, imprisoned humans in the ideological inferno for thousands of years.

Setting aside these old practices, other contemporary events, such as the 1944 G.I. Bill of the US. It rewards the service people to pursue higher educations with taxpayers’ paychecks. Later, due to the demands of wars, more minorities had opportunities to join the military. Many of them earned 2-year, 4-year degrees with knowledge and skills to improve their destinies. Unfortunately, the racial ideology prohibited the public and private sectors to hire colored people. Here, a fact, again, education does not guarantee occupational accessibility. The intensified problems led to 1961 President Kenney’s signing of the Affirmative Action act. It banned discrimination against a person’s race, gender, religion, nation origins in their education and career pursuit. Later, President Jonson also signed several similar acts to protect minorities ’ rights.

Nevertheless, making law and enacting it have different stories to tell. Several cases regarding college admissions outstand others, such as Bakke, 438 U.S. 265 (1978), a landmark decision by the Supreme Court of the United States. It upheld affirmative action, allowing race to be one of several factors in college admission. Bollinger vs. the University of Michigan was another Supreme Court case regarding the undergraduate affirmative action admissions policy. In a 6-3 decision announced on June 23, 2003, the Supreme Court ruled that the university's point system was too mechanistic and therefore unconstitutional. In the career domain, such as Ricci v. DeStefano, 557 U.S. 557 (2009), is a United States labor law case. It was about twenty city firefighters at the New Haven Fire Department, nineteen white and one Hispanic, who     1`claimed discrimination under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 after “they had passed the test for promotions to management positions and the city declined to promote them. New Haven officials invalidated the test results because none of the black firefighters who took it scored high enough to be considered for the positions.” (Refer to "Supreme Court Hears Major Civil Rights Cases", National Public Radio, April 21, 2009.)

Thus, the invented term – Reverse Discrimination, gains momentum. 

Grievances due to injustice may find collective actions or social movements, such as picketing, demonstration, protest, strike, to reform/revolution that tend to occur in a society that its political milieu allows them to happen. Social change has a tendency to progress slowly, sometimes, even one step forward and two steps back, for change does not come easily.

一般人深信, 最好的人才從事最好的工作, 是理所當然的. 這種假設是根據 “任人唯賢” 的迷思. 唯能唯賢的理論 (Meritocracy), 經常被誤解或者誤導之一, 是把它看作與民粹主義相對的菁英理念. 一般保守派支持精英政策, 反對平權法案, 相信只有最有能力的人, 得以從事最有聲望最有收入或者, 具有挑戰性的工作. 這個主張, 乍看之下是理所當然, 但是唯能唯賢的理論, 是基於肯定賢能的人, 擔任與之稱職的工作. 但是它更深入探討, 如何決定和測定誰是真正的精英, 誰是真正具有心腦能力? 而這個決定過程, 參賽者不會受到階級, 種族, 族群, 性別, 語言, 宗教, 地域 等等外在因素和偏見的影響, 以及一些黑箱作業的潛規則, 人際關說與內定等等, 不為外人所知的操作. 也就是說, “任人唯賢” 是有一個假設的前提, 那就是參與競爭者的起跑點, 是基於真平等, 沒有偷吃步, 沒有暗箱作業. 這就可能牽涉到很多社會制度上的, 以及守著窄門的審度評鑑者主觀的, 潛意識的, 和下意識的因素. 當然在體力的測定上, 例如奧林匹克的體能競賽, 勝負的決定, 係基於可量化的測定數據, 的確是客觀的, 但是也不排除有運動員, 違法服用 體能增強劑, 企求達到最卓越的表現.

在美國也有一種刻板印象, 認為黑色種族, 在體育運動方面, 表現 比其他方面要勝出. 運動表現就是大家看得著的, 好壞不容易受到主觀意念和各式各樣的意識型態的影響 . 皮膚的顏色跟性別一樣, 一看就知道, 不像階級是不太容易鑑別的. 因為性別而受歧視的, 富蘭克林女士 就是一個最突顯的例子. 她加入DNA研究團隊, 即使是出生良好的家庭背景, 與受過高等教育, 也無法避免性別的歧視. 遑論古埃及, 希臘, 羅馬, 印度, 以及中國等等傳統社會中, 種種設定牢不可破的階級意識與現象, 壓抑了億萬生靈, 世世代代沉淪於無知無識飢寒交迫的受壓階級, 哪裡談得上有參與競爭的機會.

上面的圖中, 用三個國家代表三個基本基本的主要模型.
社會的流動是基於一個社會的開放性程度. 越開放的國家, 人民的社會流動比較容易發生. 社會流動有下面幾個類型: 向上社會流動, 向下社會流動, 平層流動, 世代間的社會流動, 本代的社會流動, 和結構性的社會流動. 上圖中 最左邊的是種姓制度, 以印度為代表. 各種姓階層與次階層之間, 是用實隔開封鎖, 表示幾乎沒有社會流動的可能性. 中間是階級社會, 以美國為代表, 各個社會階級之間有相當的流動性, 因為美國是一個比較開放的社會. 左邊是混合性的階級社會, 是指在最高階層的權貴階級, 要進入此階層是非常的不容易, 日本昭和天皇裕仁等的皇后美智子, 是日本有史以來第一位平民嫁入皇族. 曾引起非常多的爭議. 再者最近的 梅根馬克爾(Meghan Markle) 嫁入英國皇室, 也是鬧得沸沸騰騰. 這可顯示這類型的向上流動機率很小, 但是以下的階層, 只有較多的社會流動社會流動. In the above picture, the possibility of social mobility, first of all, depends on the openness of a society. There are several types of social mobility: vertical social mobility (upward and downward), and horizontal social mobility, intergenerational, intragenerational, and structural social mobility. In a caste system, for example, India, among castes and sub-castes, are separated by the solid lines, which means the mobility is constrained. In a more open society, such as the US., social mobility is frequent, particularly, horizontal mobility. The UK represents a mixed type of stratification. Most commoners are difficult to move into the royal/noble class, such as the controversies happening to the first commoner 美智子／みちこ married to the Japanese Emperor 明仁／あきひと, and recently, Meghan Markle married to Prince Harry. Mobility tends to happen under the royal class.

暫時撇開過去不談, 就以最近的歷史來看, 比如自從 1944 年, 美國創制了軍人權利法案, 提供軍人, 榮民, 以其家屬就讀大專院校研究所與訓練的費用 (再者, 與那些高收入高聲望的專業相比, 又是哪些社會階層的子女, 去簽下生死券, 或者短期長期的賣身契呢? 為什麼? 真的只是為了盡忠報國嗎? (題外話一樁: 我個人在台美斷交內憂外患時, 的確也簽了一次. 承父母祖宗保佑, 不太像是生死券. 但坦白地說, 也不全然是為了盡忠報國.)

後來由於戰爭的需要, 多數有色人種/弱勢族群, 有較多的機會從軍, 之後, 可以得到政府對退役後求學的經費補助. 因此許多少數民族退役軍人, 獲得了兩年專科或者四年大學的學位與技術. 這對許多貧窮弱勢的少數民族, 是一個影響生涯的好機會. 但好景不常, 有好的學問與技能, 卻因為美國的種族問題, 絕大多數的公私立行號只聘白人, 有色人種毫無機會踏入被雇用的門檻. 這種有教育有技能有學位, 卻不能得到發展的機會的問題愈形嚴重. 直到 1961年, 甘迺迪總統簽訂的平權法案（英語：Affirmative Action), 又稱為優惠性差別待遇、積極平權措施、矯正歧視措施等，用以防止僱用者對膚色、種族、宗教、性別、國族出身等少數群體或弱勢群體歧視的一種手段, 並且將這些群體給予優待來消除歧視, 從而達到各族群享有平等的權利。

政策的用意良好, 但是實踐起來問題重重. 平權法案主要集中於就業,教育, 工程承包和醫療方案，如入學的種族配額及選舉的性別配額等，藉此減少歧視, 及避免少數族群在就業和教育上受到不公平對待。其中尤其與教育與就業的問題, 最為突出. 以後的詹森總統 也簽訂了數項類似法案. 但這種措施, 時常引起爭論, 尤其是逆向歧視 (Reverse Discrimination) 等爭議, 更易於暴發成情緒性的抗爭. 比方說有數款在大學法律, 醫學等等競爭激烈的科系入學許可, 和消防員的升遷案件中, 白人申請者控訴到最高法院, 抗告入學/升遷上, 對白人的逆向歧視所產生的新式不公平.

不平則鳴, 在一個開放的社會, 是一個得以發生的現象, 雖然進步的步伐緩慢, 有時候則進一步退兩步, 終竟會有進展, 因為人類的社會是有惰性的, 易於安於現狀, 尤其教育不夠普及, 公民素養不高, 加上保守勢力的反撲, 或者是既得利益團體的抗衡, 至使改革成了件不容易的事.

Sociologists also investigate how cultural capital correlates to one’s life chance and opportunities to access the scarce and desirable social resources, such as the quality of education. health care, and jobs. Cultural capital (can be positive, or negative), as mentioned before, is an interlocked package of social capital, financial capital, psychological capital, to name a few, which is invisibly passed on from generation to generation like a very long distance’s relay race. Among them, social networking is a significant one to affect job seeking.

社會學者除了用巨觀的審思, 端看制度與社會對個體的制約, 也用微觀的文化財觀念, 涉入家庭內部的傳承, 如何影響子孫的社會機會與選擇. 文化財與資本財不同. 後者是實質的財富與收入, 而前者是看不見的財產 (可以是正的負的或中性的), 透過祖父母父母, 一代代傳承下去的情緒財 (比如涵養談吐, 品質格調, 人際交往的類別等等, 和身份地位相當的互動), 社會財, 人脈財等等文化財, 影響下一代的機會選擇與經社地位 (相當於俗話所說的宗族家族庇蔭的意思). 其中的人脈財, 尤其重要, 如常言所說的, 成就是繫於天時, 地利,人和; 而天脈, 地脈, 不如人脈, 尤其是在職業探索, 升官發財的途徑上.

Most employers emphasize EEOE (equal employment opportunity employer) as an important hiring policy to cast a bigger net for applicants. But depending on the nature of the jobs, how fair in selecting prospects with less implicit biases of the members of the hiring committee can be another issue.

雖然一般的聘用公司, 強調每個申請人, 在接受審查申請書時的機會平等, 或在升遷考核的情況下, 依據審核標準保持公正. 但是, 又能如何保證聘僱/升遷審核委員會的委員, 每一位都是大公無私, 沒有內心潛在的對申請人的家世背景, 種族, 族群, 地域, 性別, 體態, 語言腔調等等的偏好, 或控制得住不易察覺, 或不能得知的下意識和潛意識中的些微偏見或喜好 (Implicit Biases) ; 或者密而不宣, 可做不可說地順從公司的潛規則, 以避免節外生枝或者吃上官司, 而採取的兩面作業. 尤其是在一些比較封閉傳統的社會, 又能如何避免人際關係的巴結關說, 或內部內定操作?

To give a concrete explanation, in the following section, I used a real-life example from one of students’ writing assignments/hands-on projects of my Diversity Studies course, happening in a more open and fairer society. For the writing assignment, the worksheets were attached below.

在此, 就用一個真實的例子, 並且是發生在一個比較公開公平的社會. 在我的多元化社會的理論與實際的課程中 (at a Tech College, assignments/projects take more instructions), 有一項作業是學生每週要寫發生在生活中與這個課程的主題有關的生活小故事. 作業的格式如下.

Most of the students’ reading-writing assignments and other hands-on projects are kept confidential when submitted. But if students felt comfortable sharing, the extra points might be earned. One of the assignments was from a non-traditional student (adult students, usually have jobs, family, and children, for example). S/he was a supervisor of a restaurant. On an occasion, s/he and the other two supervisors were on a hiring committee to select a new supervisor. From more than a hundred applications, one would be chosen. During the first step of screening, s/he noticed that consciously or unconsciously, the names of the applicants sounded foreign or unconventional would be set aside into a pile, then they kept on the following steps for the suitable applicants. This student wrote about his/her “cognitive dissonance” between theories learned in the classroom and what happened in reality. S/he found something was not right, but due to one among three, as a “minority” himself/herself at that moment, s/he kept silent. Surely, this type of event might be anecdotal. 

There are many students’ genuine stories in my assignment folders. If appropriate, I might share in the future.

這作業是有保密的性質, 沒有第三者知道, 但是如果故事的內容與性質, 若適合分享的話, 則學生可選擇在課堂上, 講給其他同學聽, 可以得到加分. 在數個學期我讀到幾篇有關非傳統學生寫的故事 (也就是有家有眷的), 為了篇幅我就略提當中的一篇. 這學生擔任一個餐廳部門的小管理, 參與一個三人組成的工作申請評審會, 審核一個新開發的小管理職位. 在100多張的申請書當中, 第一步是過濾誰是適合的人選. 這位學生發現, 在審核過程當中, 審核委員有意識無意識的會把申請人的名字, 看起來像是少數弱勢種族/族群的申請書, 抽出來擱在遠遠的一旁, 然後繼續審核更可能適合的人選...  這位學生在作業裡面, 表達了自己在課堂上所學, 與實際社會上的操作有了認知上的差異, 但是一票不能抵另外兩票, 自己就是屬於 “弱勢少數”, 就少說話為要.

我的作業檔案裡, 有很多學生所寫與課程主旨有關的非常真實生活小故事. 以後有空會提及.

In Mr. Zhao’s case, happening in a society, strongly values careers related to the officialdom or aristocratic, intellect, white-collar jobs. Particularly, when one’s educational background ascends to a higher level, the corresponding occupations tend to be scarcer, also depending on the marketability of the discipline. Without better network support (as part of the cultural capital), individual’s endeavors to land a desirable job tend to be more vulnerable than those who have strong supports from various cultural capital, for example, the sons and daughters of the high rank-n-file CCP politburo, having better opportunities to be assigned or arranged to a nicer job. Furthermore, Zhao’s country is renowned for the power of “human connections, 禮多人不怪; 衙門有人好辦事; 朝中無人莫做官, 做官會斷腸/腦, 陽奉陰違等等, bestowing gifts, providing extra services, offering under table red-envelopes, being a smiling tiger and so on so forth human relations lubricants” to survive better in society. If you read the Analects of Confucius or Lun Yu (論語)  and other relevant classics,  you find that the core of such an enculturation process is all about dealing with HUMANS to every bit of subtlety, whether voluntary or involuntary relations or connections. 

Though there are many ways to build connections beneficial for careers, the family’s accumulated connective capital turns to be handy and effective.

趙先生的個案, 就發生在一個中共官僚系統舖成的政治體系, 兼之與傳統萬般皆下品, 學而優則仕, 新舊夾雜的社會. 當個人的教育程度提得那么高, 而相對稱的工作就會越稀少. 當然了, 這也與所讀的是理工科或是文法課與市場的需求率有關. 而個人的人際網絡, 人脈關係的支持贊助, 是求職的重要法門. 而這人脈關係, 絕非無中生有, 也不頓時營造可得. 它們是家庭中累積文化財的重要部分. 比如一個職位空缺, 一個紅二代, 官三代, 富三代的, 是比一個沒家世背景政經靠山的求職人, 來得容易被安置錄取. 試想這個國家, 自古以來, 所思所學的, 大多集中於如何 ” 做人”. 人脈經營的哲學與實踐, 史多記載, 通徹各式各樣的經典雜記與文學名著, 比如一些俗話說的 “衙門八字開, 有理無錢莫進來”, “送往迎來, 禮多人不怪, 禮少怪人才, 沒禮莫進來”, “衙門有人好辦事", "官官相護", "朝中無人莫做官, 做官會斷腸/腦”...等等如何明哲保身圓滑處世的哲理. 這些耳熟能詳的刻畫, 瀰漫在八大藝術之所中, 在文學領域尤盛, 比如老舍的駱駝祥子, 老張的哲學, 以及其他傷痕, 社會寫實文學, 對社會與人性有著深沉凝斂刻骨銘心的警諷.

Secondly, it also depends on the extent of Individual’s internalization of the occupational value. According to research, parents’ education and occupation have strong correlation with those of the children’s.

The intergenerational upward social mobility tends to be sluggish, even stagnated, particularly in the lower parts of social classes. Parents’ inadequate education, health care, and job resources have impacts on children’s cognitive, physical, and psychological development. As the most important socialization agents, parenting styles (authoritative, authoritarian, permissive, and democratic modes) may affect children’s social values, morality, and the outlook of the world, including the perception of career choices. In this case, the saying, “Well begun, half done” can be interpreted in different light. To be born into a specifically “desirable” social class, race/ethnicity, gender, ability/disability, nationality, locality, even religion and so on with abundant resources, it may bring forth much more than the “half done.”

In Mr. Zhao’s case, he has a humble upbringing, but the conventional job preference related to white-collar, officialdom is valued, even China gradually develops into a capitalist society (under Marx-Lenin’s ideological control.) He does succeed in upward social mobility in terms of educational advancement, compared to his father’s, and later, through his efforts in the meat business, Mr. Zhao added his fortunes to his educational achievement.

Nevertheless, Mr. Zhao’s speech to his Alma Mater expressed an uneasy concern which, a sociology jargon names it as - the status consistency. In a traditional society, the wealth, power, and prestige present the state of status consistency, mainly, because the social mobility tends to be low or rare. The wealth can be converted into power and prestige to manifest its consistency. In the non-caste society, or class society, most people have higher level of mobility than that of the rigid societies. Though the old Chinese Dynasties offered the Entrance Examination (with multiple politico-economic functions) for everyone to compete positions of the officialdom – considered the most desirable career, the nation-wide race was horrendously harsh. Only a tiny cream of the crop from the low classes would be able to win the game. These from-ragged-to-fame-and-power stories have the similar undertone with the Horatio Alger’s. They tend to be exaggerated to exemplify the saying, “Heaven helps those how help themselves; Where there is a will, there is a way” to encourage the powerless with the hope of an upward social mobility. In the contemporary society, social resources are less dominated by the privileged classes than before, more commoners have more life chances/opportunities in engaging various types of social mobilities, thus, status inconsistency happens more often than that of the conventional societies.

第二, 個人經由社會化過程中, 對職業價值的內化作用.

父母親與長輩是兒童社會化的執行人.長輩本身對職業聲望的瞭解與看法, 在潛移默化中, 影響下一代的認知與觀感. 父母親的學識教育職業聲望, 所累積的資源與文化財, 對子女的養育方式 (比如權威性, 專制性, 放任性, 與民主性) 與期待有所影響. 一般而言, 世代間的向上社會流動, 是比較緩慢, 甚至於停滯, 尤其是下層社會的升斗小民. 資源缺乏的貧窮家庭, 父母親多半缺乏教育, 收入, 健康保險等等基本生存的環境, 往往沒有足夠的時間與條件, 提供子女適度的身心發展的狀況, 以至於影響子女們對未來的希望, 價值觀念, 與職業生涯的規劃.

從這個觀點而言, 好的開始是成功的一半, 則另有一箇比較幸運的解釋, 那就是生對了皮膚顏色 (種族族群), 社會階級, 性別, 語言, 地域, 政府型態, 時空背景等等, 那麼好的開始, 可能不止是成功的一半了.

以趙先生的例子來看, 雖然他出生貧寒, 由於他的教育程度, 使他嚮往白領階級的工作, 即使共產中國已經穿上了資本主義的外套, 數年之間製造了無數千萬億富翁. 追逐財富已是最流行的新意識形態. 而趙先生在財富上, 呈現極大的向上社會流動, 然而他在職業的聲望上, 讓他心頭多少纏著千千結. 這一個現像, 也顯示出 一般人對財富與聲望的不同觀感與評價.

 在比較傳統的社會, 由於垂直社會流動的機率比較小, 個人的財富權利地位聲望, 顯現出一致性 (status consistency), 也就是說有有資本財的人, 可以透過財富的運作, 而享有地位與聲望, 因而名利雙收, 而其他不具有這些優勢的人, 往往處於貧窮默默無名的低下階層, 就是有能力, 也缺少那樣的氛圍, 易與無名無利無權無聲望的一致性, 共存亡, 除非有特異的時機, 這種現狀難以改變. 當然在中國歷史上有透過科舉取士, 十年寒窗苦讀, 可以一舉成名天下知, 但是這樣的機率與人數到底有多少呢? 而這種少數鯉躍龍門的成功例子, 常常在在歷史文學戲曲典故中, 被大肆渲染, 用以平撫與鼓勵一般無權無勢的貧窮階級, 對追求書中自有黃金屋, 書中自有千鍾粟, 書中自有顏如玉, 存有一線的希望.

在一個比較有階級流動的社會, 這種一致性有可能被打破, 以趙先生的例子, 他的學識與財富, 突破清寒階級的置限, 而有向上的流動, 然而與所企求的聲望, 形成了不一致性.

在不同的文化與歷中, 出現過財富雄厚的家庭, 願意放下富豪的身段, 委身予沒落貧困潦倒而有貴族頭銜的家庭聯姻, 以提高身份地位.

The issue is that educational advancement cannot guarantee a desirable job launching! Educational competition is different from the occupational rivalry. The former is a necessary competing factor, but, insufficient to be a successful seeker in job hunting. The gatekeepers of the latter are much tighter in terms of the invisible (implicit biased) scrutiny of social class, race, gender, physicality, geo-locality, language, social network capital, and the rest of bio-social qualities. The gatekeeping is much more subjective than the former’s objective, impartial National Exam, not only because the socio-economic resources are limited, but also to the individual’s competing in the distribution of the desirable yet very scarce conditions.

I would use one of the most famous examples relating to the above phenomenon from a classic novel – “Dream of the Red Chamber”. In the novel, the Jia is a very aristocratic family with tremendous wealth, power, and prestige, divided into two branches, the Houses of Ning and Rong (寧國府 and 榮國府). The Jia families enjoyed five generations of fame and prosperity. Tracing back to the origin of such a long-lasting fortune and status, you will find that one of Jia’s women got a chance to be the crown prince’s nanny. The nanny Jia’s two boys turned into the crown prince’s playmates. They built a genuine friendship. Later, these two brothers helped the emperor (the crown prince) dealing with many important tasks and were appointed with noble ranks with extreme fortunes. The two brothers were the heads of the Houses of Ning and the House of Rong. Later, one of daughters of the Jia’s family married to an emperor. Thus, the power of the Jia family ascended sky-high. Yes, this is just an episode of how luck would bring forth success. Perhaps, the truer could be that luck is what happens when preparation meets opportunity.

問題的關鍵是學位教育上的成就, 並不能保證有利於職場上的尋覓. 大學聯考的競爭, 與謀求職位的競賽, 是兩碼子事. 前者是比較客觀公正, 少有外力介入的比賽, 而且不太涉入社會資源的運作. 而後者, 卻是實實在在的生存競爭, 動用到社會稀有, 或是珍貴的資源的分配, 而牽涉到的看門人, 檢視官, 核準者, 難以避免主觀的, 潛意識的, 利害關係的考量來放行一個人, 或阻止於門外. 除非是超高科技的特殊專業人才, 比較不容易流於就業裁判官的主觀取捨. 一般類別的工作, 要求絕對客觀的聘任, 似乎尚有一段路要走. 因此, 好的教育成就, 對於一個渴望的工作 (或升遷), 只是一箇必要的基本條件, 尚需要其他的充分條件配合, 才有所成. 趙先生的學業成就可欽可佩, 但是在職場上, 需要的充分的條件不足, 以至於另闢蹊徑, 就如他的豪語, “此處不留爺, 自有留爺處, 無處可留爺, 爺去賣豬肉!” (這就跟一個以前台大畢業的女生, 被鄰居開玩笑的說, "妳一個好好的台灣女孩子, 讀了那麼多書, 怎麼就去當個台灣的土八路?" 頗有異曲同工之效!) 憑著認真踏實的工作, 終究成就了獨特的他. 俗話說的職業無貴賤, 似乎是一句妥貼人心, 周圓好聽的話. 實際上, 的確, 並非每一個人都能有機會成就大事業, 但是若能夠把小事做得盡心盡力, 做得完美, 就是成就了大事業.

In short, to launch a desirable job or career requires both the necessary and sufficient factors. The necessary part is controllable by individuals’ endeavors and/or talents, while the sufficient “gray zone” is more complex, enticing a whole “proper” package of visible or invisible class, race, gender, physicality, ability/disability, sexuality, linguistic conditions, locality, ideologies…etc. depending on what the employer’s looking for. In addition to the above conditions, one more IMPORTANT factor which may play a key role yet is so elusive - LUCK!

總之, 得到一個理想的工作, 需要充分與必要的條件的融合, 也就是需要融合個人的努力與天份, 與環境中看得見的與看不見的微渺力, 比如社會階級/家世背景, 種族/族群, 性別, 語言, 體態等等灰色領域中, 有形無形的 “命與運” 的交互運作. 最後, 也是最重要的一點, 除了上述種種充分必要的條件之外, 還有一種不可預料, 更神祕的因素 – 那就是, 機運, 或者是運氣, 俗話不是說 “一命二運三風水” 嘛? 舉個例子來說, 大家所熟悉的紅樓夢中榮國府寧國府, 由於曹家的一位母輩做了皇儲的奶娘, 她的孩子, 也就順理成章, 近水樓台先得月, 當了皇子的童伴, 建立了深厚的感情. 爾後贾演和贾源兩兄弟, 得到機會為大清帝國效忠, 立功封爵, 共同開創了榮寧兩府的百年基業, 因此賈元春有機會入宮做女史，二十四歲時加封贤德妃, 為賈家錦上添花, 庇蔭子孫, 繁榮五代. 

Last but not the least, in addition to the elusive “LUCK”, are the institutional factors, such as making society more open to fair competition for upward social mobility. In the past, the much-closed caste system of India, the strictly stratified society of China for examples, countless powerless people were locked in the dark, hopeless strata, endured forever human shackles in poverty, diseases, violence, and ignorance. Social mobility was rare, even non-existing. Even in 1948, India banned the practice of caste system, thousands of ingrained ideologies made the privileged castes unable to accept such a reality. Many confrontations occurred, and some of the practices are still lingering today. Thus, social reforms tend to encounter the conservative’s disagreements or sabotages, except in the authoritarian/totalitarian regimes that coerce people with politico-military force to reach their goals. Then, the extreme and rare method is Revolution, a scary word frightening most people for the potentially massive upheavals ending in bloodshed. Thus, most civilized societies take alternative routes through better education, improving living conditions to gradually increase the possibility of reforms to reduce grievance and wasting human capital due to the unjust or unfair treatment to people.

除了上述言及的機運, 更重要的是有關社會階級流動的開放程度. 如印度的種姓制度, 鎖住五千多年無法改變命運的無助生靈. 即使在1948 年, 政府立法禁止實行種姓制度, 然而既得利益者以及優勢團體的抗爭反撲, 是相當猛烈的. 因此在社會制度和社會政策上的改變, 不易立竿見影, 除非是在極權統治的國家, 或者以終極可怖的手段 - 革命, 不為功. 所以, 必須透過教育, 與生活水平的提升, 漸進改良, 與時俱進, 減低不公不正的暗作, 以減少不必要的冤屈, 以及不必要的人才/人力資本浪費.

Postface (後言):

The complexity to discern personal efforts and/or situational factors relating to achievements in the pursuit of wealth, prestige, and power is like Nature vs. Nurture debates. Most people admire, even worship the highly achieved individuals who tend to be deemed as intelligent, diligent, self-made heroes/heroines. Furthermore, some achievers tend to attribute their accomplishments because of personal efforts.

一般人敬仰聖賢豪傑, 崇拜名人望族, 欣羨俊男美女, 影視歌星. 由於鮮亮的光環, 釋放出功成名就的感染力, 一般人視之為有天份加努力的超標成就者. 而有為者,多半肯定自己的成就, 是因為個人的努力獲取的.要不然會是誰創出來呢?

究竟一個人的成就, 有多少是基於個人的努力與天份, 多少是因為經社環境因緣際會的配合促成? 這個問題就像是長久以來對 Nature vs. Nurture 的辯論一樣, 似乎永遠沒有答案.

A social psychological term – fundamental attribution error (FAE), also known as correspondence bias or attribution effect, refers to the tendency of people to under-emphasize situational and environmental explanations for an individual's observed behavior while over-emphasizing dispositional and personality-based explanations.

I would like to refer to sociologist C. Wright Mills who propounds a perspective – Sociological Imagination which may be a stronger approach to understanding FAE. He argues that many of our particular success or failures are not unique to us as "psychological issues" but are the result of larger social trends. In other words, the tendency to believe that what people do reflects who they are, that is, their personality or bio-genetic attributes, rather than put the circumstances or socio-historical contexts into account, which simplifies the complex issues. This aspect resonates with the above-mentioned concept of how the invisible cultural capital correlating to a person’s life chance and opportunities, entices the sociological imagination to see what is going on in the world, affecting individuals’ daily life. He suggests that by turning personal problems into public issues, the sociological imagination also is the key to bringing people together to create necessary social change.

社會心理學上有一個名詞叫做 “基本歸因錯誤” (fundamental attribution error/FAE). 它是指出一般人有一種傾向, 在對一個行為, 多半會低估環境或情境的影響, 而高估個人的本質與人格的運作. 要了解這個名詞, 用社會學家米爾 (C. Wright Mills) 所提出的社會學的想像力 "Sociological Imagination”, 是一條佳徑. 米爾質疑一般人, 易於用心理學來解釋社會的複雜現象, 因而往往流於以偏概全, 見樹不見林的簡化情況. 社會學的想像, 著重在提升思維的層次, 從個人的事物, 與社會制度相連結, 從而能以歷史文化的觀點, 來了解問題的癥結. 也就是社會學的想像力, 能夠看穿社會的歷史狀況, 如何影響個人的種種處境, 從而能夠把經歷類似問題的人, 結合起來, 進行社會運動與社會改革, 帶動社會變遷.

比如在文章的開頭, 我就指出趙先生的狀況, 不是單純的個人的問題, 而是社會性的, 制度性的, 和歷史性的. 又如前面的所提到的文化財觀念. 因為它是屬於看不見摸不著的社會狀況, 而一般人不易認知到, 或者不感覺到文化財, 需要透過社會學的想像力, 來了解它對一個人生命中的機運與機會有著密不可分的關係.

A couple of days ago, a post on Facebook by the fight for the $15 group reflects FAE which also includes two major terms of sociology – the ascribed vs. achieved status.

幾天前, 有有一個叫做 “為15元而戰” 的組群, 在臉書上貼了一張圖畫:




In the picture, the red-orange-yellow circle refers to an individual’s success which is because pf personal traits: hard work, a can-do attitude, and gumption. Conversely, the FAE also explains when individuals fail in some deeds, then, they will attribute to external circumstances, such as unfair tests, unjust treatments, discrimination, etc.

在紅橘黃色的圈圈裡, 指出財勢名人的自我觀念: 努力, 肯幹, 足智多謀. 基本歸因理論/FAE的觀點, 可指出如果一個人失敗了, 也會歸因於外在的條件不好, 比如考試不公正, 不公平待遇, 招受到歧視等等, 而非個人的準備不足或者努力不夠.

The other green-blue circle may indicate how other people perceive the rich because of being born to lucky conditions, such as right skin color, right social class, right gender, right looking, right country…and the rest of Ascribed social statuses which are not through personal endeavors but by birth, through a lucky birth lottery. The green color implies the Achieved status based on the Ascribed to gain further “accomplishments”.

而在綠色與藍色的圈圈裡, 圈外人視權貴者, 是生命頭彩中獎者, 口咬金湯匙, 足登直升機的幸運兒. 基於生來具有的有利條件, 對貧困弱勢者, 進行更深一層的剝銷以增進財富權位.

People are always different in various bio-psycho-social aspects which are the foundations of the Racial/Critical theory. Fairness or injustice, to what extent is implicated throughout human history, may not be easily identified in the contemporary society after many social reforms and implemented policies.

I had taught 12 years of Diversity Studies, and the critical theory/social conflict perspective scaffolded the course contents. The critical theory [1] is much related to the concept of ideology, particularly,  hegemonic ideology and the false consciousness, derived from Marx’s ideas. It comprises of beliefs, values, norms, attitudes etc. held to be true or right of different human groups with variety of diversity and conflict. Due to the “reflective’ nature with the emancipatory elements, the conservative and the liberal hold different “world views” vs. understanding toward it.

---

[1] The Frankfurt school features of a critical theory consists of
1. It has special standing as guides for human actions in that  
(a) they are aimed at production-enlightenment in the agents who hold them, i. e., at enabling
     those agents to determine what their true interests are.
 (b) they are inherently emancipatory, i.e., they free agents from a kind of coercion which is at least partly self-imposed,
       from self-frustration of conscious human action.
2. Critical theory have cognitive content, i.e., thy are forms of knowledge.
3. Critical theories differ epistemologically in essential ways from theirs in the natural sciences. Theories is natural science are objective; critical theories are reflective (G. Raymond, 1989, p 2)

_________________________________________________________

The controversies, denials, emotions, or even rejection regarding the conflict theory tend to stir up vehement debates/discussions in my classrooms. I designed a poster to visualize this issue.

沒有兩片雪是同形的, 就是同卵雙生的孩子也不見得思想行為完全相同. 人生百態, 高低黑白, 美醜強弱, 智愚賢不肖, 公侯伯子男平民奴隸等等, 天生沒有平等可言. 在社會學裡稱之為歸屬的地位, 也就是人, 生下來, 很多不是自己所能決定的重要狀況, 已經加屬了, 比如家世背景, 皮膚顏色, 高低美醜, 性別體質等等與生俱來的歸屬地位 (ascribed status). 之後透過生物心理社會交互反應下, 衍生出種種不同的人類狀況, 也使得人與人, 人與團體, 團體與團體之間的互動, 產生的諸多問題, 這也就是批判理論 (Critical Theory) 的基礎之一. 批判理論分析的目的, 也是在尋找減低對待人類不公正不平等的可能性. 但是每一個世代各有其不同的時空背景, 以及其所產生的各式各樣的人間悲喜劇. 雖然無古不成今, 但以現況追討過去的時代債, 常導致剪不斷理還亂的棘手問題. 因為涉及的人事時地物, 以及株連牽結的個人, 團體, 以及他們的後代, 彼一時也此一時也, 在既得利益, 壓迫犧牲等等狀況, 不僅涉及記憶淡漠與記錄信度個問題, 在認知與了解上, 也難以給予絕對式的道德評論.

我個人也教了十多年的種族族群理論與實際. 種族/批判理論, 是整個課程的根基之一, 也是最具挑戰性的觀念與實踐的問題. 批判性理論與意識形態 (ideology), 尤其是霸權意識形態  (hegemonic Ideology, elaborated by Antonio Gramsci) 和虛假意識 (false consciousness) 有密切的關係, 源於馬克斯社會經濟理論, 經由法蘭克福學派的研究闡揚, 指出它的解放性與反省性的理論與行動, 是與一般自然科學有所不同. 目前這個理論, 遭受到很多保守派的批判與反對, 主張把類似的課程從學校中刪除.

基本上, the implicated subjects, 牽涉到的人事時地物, 時空的複雜錯綜交互反應的結果, 常常是課堂上爭論的火爆點. 有關細節我會在以後的文章裡面提到.

下面我嘗試用視覺的觀點, 來解釋上述狀況的一小部分:



When I was young, I wondered why the Buddha said, “All life is equal,”  that made me wonder.
Prince Siddhartha Gautama enjoyed everything that a royal could have, a beautiful wife and a son, the ruler-to-be of the kingdom. The wealth, power and status exactly accorded with his father’s design to prevent the astrologer’s prophesizing before his twenty-nine years of age. Then, one day, he went out of the palace to shockingly discover all sorts of suffering. Prince Siddhartha decided to find the truth, leaving all the desirable things that most people are eagerly to possess, behind. Don’t wealth, fame, power lure most people’s heart and soul? This is why I respect the prince so much!

Whereas, poverty, disease, and ignorance, don’t they, mainly, come from inequality, inequity through man-made social institutions or intentionally and unintentionally exploiting the powerless? As a person having a sociology major, “all life is equal” is unfathomable. I am seeking explanations to the above statement. One of the answers is that some equity or equality takes time to happen either through the advancement of education/enlightenment, or through social reforms/revolutions, because of a biological fact of human nature – selfishness and greed, entangling with a specific time-frame in a particular place.

我年輕的時候, 曾經懷疑為什麼佛陀說眾生平等? , 被他的王父刻意地護衛著, 深恐相師預言的發生. 他在二十九歲之前, 有著嬌妻愛兒, 享受榮華富貴. 然而一次出了城堡, 驚愕地目睹人類的貧窮飢餓生老病死的苦難, 而決意探討去苦之源, 尋求性靈的解脫. 這也就是佛陀令我非常敬仰之處. 天下熙熙皆為利來, 天下攘攘, 皆為利往, 天下到底有多少人, 能夠擺脫名韁利鎖呢?

然而貧窮與無知, 在人間世, 絕大部分, 不就是人為制度與社會結構, 有意無意地, 所造成的階級不平等和壓迫剝削嗎 (例如前述印度的種姓制度)?

In daily life, some old friends through different social media share nice words to console or comfort the frustrated or the despaired. These remarks, such as “you cannot change reality, accepting what given to you” and the like of passive thoughts, implicitly encourage people to accept the status quo, succumbing to the fate playing out your life. Many proses, poems written in literature, history (even in the post-modern Si-Fi movies, such as Arrival) amplified such a type of fatalistic philosophy bred in an extremely stratified/technologized society. These perspectives can soothe many suffering souls, like religion, being the opium for the oppressed.

在日常生活中, 有些人運用網上社交平臺, 傳送轉貼一些耳熟能詳的的通俗因果觀, 勸世文, 比如 “命中有時終須有, 命中無時莫強求”, “莫管他人瓦上霜”, “看開, 看淡, 自求多福”, 或者用一些宗教的追求來生, 或一些宿命觀點, 規勸人安分守己…等等, 當中最有名的莫過於功業輝煌的呂蒙正所分享的的破窯賦. 在功成名就之前, 他是極端的落魄潦倒. 輝煌騰達之後, 用他的知識經驗, 寫了這有名的勸世文, 教人安於現狀, 看透人情似紙張張薄, 世事如棋局局新的人生觀.

很多的勸世警語, 乍看之下是可以教導人去惡從善, 積德累蔭, 慰藉人心, 對一些有著不幸落寞事與願違經驗的人, 是具有相當的平撫心態維持現狀的作用. 尤其是在一個天高皇帝遠, 人本思想人道主義尚未萌芽的社會, 對於選舉, 罷免, 創制, 複決等等民權觀念與實踐極其匱乏, 以至於封建王朝無事徵稅, 有事徵兵, 視百姓如草芥, 是理所當然, 或無可奈何的事. 在現代的社會, 有些人稱之為魯蛇哲學. 這也反映個人, 對制度建構無遠弗屆的影響力與社會階層化的根深蒂固, 具有歷史文化的的深沉淵源, 感到束手無策, 因而質疑變革的可能性, 因使宿命觀, 形成對人生的一種態度. 除非是像歷代的官逼民反, 到了人不畏死的程度, 人民是不會揭竿而起改朝換代的. 而革命就像是治癆瘻以蔘苓, 忽悠或者難以應用教育宣傳, 覺醒民智民能, 組織行動, 運作集體力量, 形成社會運動, 來進行社會改革, 導向安全健康的社會.

But what perpetuates the powerless conditions may come from several sources, one of them, as John Stuart Mill’s remarks, “The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing.” Martin Niemöller described it in more details:

First they came for the Communists
And I did not speak out
Because I was not a Communist

Then they came for the Socialists
And I did not speak out
Because I was not a Socialist

Then they came for the trade unionists
And I did not speak out
Because I was not a trade unionist

Then they came for the Jews
And I did not speak out
Because I was not a Jew

Then they came for me
And there was no one left
To speak out for me

然而對於不公不正的噤若寒蟬, 正是對不仁不義的姑息養奸. 約翰彌爾 (John Stuart Mill) 有句名言: 唯一能夠讓邪惡戰勝一切, 就是好人的袖手旁觀. 馬丁耐莫勒 (Martin Niemöller) 更詳細的指出這種心態:

起初，納粹抓共產黨人的時候，
我沉默，因為我不是共產黨人。

當他們抓社會民主主義者的時候，
我沉默，因為我不是社會民主主義者。

當他們抓工會成員的時候，
我沉默，因為我不是工會成員。

當他們抓猶太人的時候，
我沉默，因為我不是猶太人。

最後當他們來抓我時，
再也沒有人站起來為我說話了。

再說, 呂蒙正在成就豐功偉業之前, 是出身一個讀書人的家庭, 並且還娶到了一位家境富裕好太太. 這對於功業的建立, 不無助力吧? 詳情請參閱我的另外一篇有關於宿命論與人定勝天的帖文: https://ci8395.blogspot.com/2018/10/oct-21-sn-2018-vs-what-is-free-will.html 如前述, 他的人生觀與經驗, 代表著一個傳統封建理教僵固的社會中, 一種很根深蒂固的宿命觀念. 這種自從古代希羅中印文明以及諸多宗教信仰當中具體的宿命論, 甚至於現在科幻電影, 比如Arrival, 透過四維空間的關照, 加深這種命定的的觀念, 但用現在民主社會的觀點, 難免讓我們思考到現代政府的功能, 以及民衆参與社會運動 (改革/革命), 與社會政策的存在與運作, 到底對個人家庭的公平與福祉, 具有什麼樣的影響與效益意義呢?

幾天前, 在臉書上, 有朋友Po了這麼一段視頻, 這相當受寵的猴子, 在裝有各式各樣的水果禮籃當中, 當他打開包裝的玻璃紙後, 第一個挑出來的水果的是葡萄. https://www.facebook.com/ThefamousGaitlynRae/videos/258229875662564 同時, 我也指出朋友轉發的一些猴子, 在貧困的地方被訓練做家事. 於是是我就在臉書上, 寫下了幾段字:

This capuchin picked "grapes" and enjoyed them wholeheartedly. The joy is contagious and makes me very happy too. It is also an episode of a discussion on a basic concept of fairness and justice in my sociology and diversity studies classrooms. I posted a well-reviewed video to my classes and attached it below (can be controversial, because of "being in a lab on the specific capuchins"?)

I also found a capuchin, trained to do housework in a poor area, compared to the above grape-enjoying capuchin, this one seems less fortunate. Where and how to be born into, who is your dad, or mom, (and, if lucky enough, who is your husband, wife)...such as " 我爸是李剛, 我老媽是白富美., (運好的話, 加上我老公是高偉貴, 我老婆是錢多多)...等等" probably, determines quite a lot of the sentient beings' life opportunities and life chance... (yes, social class, race, gender...etc.)

Some have room for upward social mobility, while others, none, or very little (such as racial and class-castes in humans' societies)- through many gate-keepers and institutional- controllers. This can be a story of how liberals and conservatives can interpret it differently, and social reforms and social policies can be challenging and hard to be reified.

這使我聯想到在給學生上社會階層的時候, 曾經應用下面這一個相當熱門的視頻,作為一箇討論的題材. 現在我把我把它貼在下方,  提供參考. 這是一個實驗室裡的實驗, 不盡然可以引用到人的社會, 但也不缺乏令人思考之處: 

I commented on Facebook after sharing the above video, "So, why do people protest?  Via individual's heroic way, or through collective/social movements, when the grievance is intolerable, when the political climate allows it to happen, well-organized, mobilized collective actions may result in enhancing the immune system to resist the deterioration of society."

我也下了一個小小的評論: 不平則鳴. 在社會開放性程度許可的話, 集體/社會運動, 是必須的. 陣痛, 增進免疫力, 可以促進社會長期均衡發展, 當然啦, 不排除, 那打前鋒的可能就成了先烈了. 

再回到前面所提到 "眾生平等" 的觀念, 根據社會學的一些理論 (社會學是我的主修之一), 實在是深奧得令人難以接受. 佛陀的眾生平等, 是與輪迴觀有關, 比如在十二因緣法裡面, 有詳細因果論的解說, 而時間與空間是重要的因素, 執行與實踐公平公正, 是要花時間的, 有的則是需要很遙遠很漫長的時間與空間, 因為涉及了什麼是公平正義, 是誰的公平, 誰的正義, 誰定義 “時” “空”上的公平公正, 誰執行, 為誰而執行, 誰是獲利者, 是誰因而失利, 如何補償等等諸多連帶的複雜問題. 做為一門實證社會學科, 社會學面對的是社會和個人/團體的互動關係, 境界上就不能用金剛經裡所謂的第三眼第四眼第五眼來關照人間現象 (五眼: 肉眼, 慧眼, 天眼, 法眼,佛眼). 人間所追求的公正與公平, 是要經過適當的教育, 人類的自我反省能力, 或者頓悟開悟可能性, 與經由集體行為/社會運動, 社會政策的改革, 以及一般人所不願意看見的 - 革命, 以加速改變的進程. 社會的存在與運作, 不能全仰賴看不見摸不著, 人世間主觀性的非法定制約力, 比如 “舉頭三尺有神明”, “天網恢恢, 疏而不漏”等等來協調社會秩序與主持公道正義. 誠如孔德, 史賓賽, 馬克思的功能觀念裡, 道德與宗教,是基於社會存在與運作的需要, 而柏格森的精神領域的理想道德情操, 則是境界高超, 存在於開放社會裡的一種神秘意志. 因此, 宗教信仰, 道德庭訓, 是社會控制的非正式輔助力, 它們需要入世的, 法治的, 社會政策研究與實施, 相輔相成, 透過公民素質的提高, 以監督政府, 共同維持社會的公平與正義.

Returning to the main theme, some individuals’ achievements under the limelight might be overly glorified as attributed to their personal qualities, excluding their advantageous birth lottery and cultural capital. On the other hand, others’ contributions to humanity are trivialized, ignored, and neglected because of the negatively ascribed statuses’ circumstances. How to explain that 3000 firefighters’ one-year salary is equivalent to an average CEO’s one month’s compensation?

話回到主題, 有些人的成就可能是被誇張化了, 類似造神造仙運動, 基於狀況需要, 把個人的特質過度渲染, 排除了出生時中了頭彩, 加上 資本財, 人脈財, 文化財等等外在環境的優勢條件的催化, 而造成所謂的名不符實, 或者更確切的說, 名過於實的狀況. 另有些人, 對人類和社會的貢獻, 被矮化, 渺小化, 虛無化, 或被無視其存在, 因為出生時就中了倒彩, 加上惡劣環境的打壓, 還能夠對社會貢獻一己之所長. 舉例來說, 如何解釋三千個消防員一年的收入, 還比不上一個大明星一個秀的利潤. 這又如何來解釋人類對社會貢獻的意涵呢?



Indeed, some people won’t mind how much the CEO get paid, since the overachievers tend to self-recognize (or are deemed) as highly intelligent, hardworking, and gumption and the like rare qualities. “Absolutely, we deserve to be paid much more!”

的確, 一般人並不介意高官厚爵才貌過人的少數菁英, 擁有過多的財富. 因為他們自視也被視為敢作敢當,有智慧有深謀, 肯努力肯奮鬥的特優分子. 再多的名利也不夠啊!

Whereas, what about without a high-paid executive for a week versus the garbage sanitation masters on strike for a couple of days? People may be against such an apple vs. orange comparison due to the nature of the “quality and qualification” of the job categories as mentioned in the previous section regarding the occupational ranking and ordering.

但是, 這雖然不是一個很好的比喻, 假如一個財大位重的人, 一個禮拜沒有去上班, 比之於收集垃圾的清潔員罷工一週, 那狀況是會怎麼樣? 的確, 有人會質問, 那有財有勢人的工作, 跟清潔工的工作條件與職能要求, 是多麼的不相同啊, 怎能如此相比呢…你前面不是提到職業的收入, 聲望, 與地位是一種必須的, 而且也是根深蒂固的觀念與實踐嗎?

Though I respect the sanitation masters very much, I don’t downplay the importance of the leaders of an organization. I just try to answer why “all life is equal” with my own way. So, I design a calculator based on an average of a typical person’s contribution to society to see his/her earned achievement by using a part of the input-output model. In economics, this is a quantitative model representing the interdependencies between different sectors of a national economy or different regional economies. In my design, much a qualitative model, the concept of Interdependencies in the above economic model is emphasized sociologically. Particularly, the functional analysis and symbolic interaction perspectives are two of the main four sociological analytical tools/perspectives.

雖說我是很尊重垃圾清潔工對社會的貢獻, 我並沒有淡化領導階層, 菁英分子對組織的的重要性. 我只是在尋求為何 "眾生平等" 的一個可能答案. 我設計了一個假設性的質化 (非量化) 的計算模式, 印象式地測量一個人對社會的貢獻程度. 這個簡化的模式是根據功效主義的理念 (Utilitarianism) 和經濟學裡面輸入出輸出的原理. 該原理重視 “相互依存” (Interdependence) 的現象, 而社會學中的功能論與形象互動論, 就是重視這個交互反應的過程.

In the following picture, the first column is various types of input to a person which tend to the ascribed statuses or involuntarily assumed social statuses, the second column is the manufacturing box which includes myriads of socio-economic-cultural capital which is relevant to a person’s life chance, life opportunity, the outlook of social mobility, PLUS personal traits: such as dispositions, personality, motivation, ambition…etc. The last column is the output of many desirable or undesirable consequences, such as goods, services, or crimes…and so on.

在這個模式中最左邊的一欄, 是各式各樣的出生時的輸入因素, 也就是人的各種歸屬的地位, 是半點不由人的先天決定, 如前所述的社會階級/家世背景, 種族, 族群, 性別, 語言, 體態, 地域等等狀況.

中間的一欄, 是成就與失敗的製造黑箱, 基於輸入的因素, 加上家庭的資本財,人脈財,文化財 (父母親的教育程度, 職業聲望地位, 教養方式, 財力物力心力智力的支援子女等等, 可正可負可中性), 加上個人的本性與人格特質, 比如優柔寡斷, 萎縮茍且, 爭強好勝, 野心動機等等, 以及個人的人脈建構與努力奮鬥程度.

右邊的一欄, 指輸出的成果, 也就是對社會的服務與貢獻的產能, 一般是正向的, 比如, 農夫種植的蘋果, 售貨員的服務, 消防員的救災行動, 經理的領導, 但也包括負向的, 比如偷竊, 製造銷售黑心食品, 販賣人口, 叛國, 等等.

There have three types of output (not including the unintended consequences):
The first type is that a person’s input is greater than the output.
The second condition is that a person’s input is approximately equivalent to the output.
The third type is that a person’s input is less than the output.

因此有三種產能效果: 輸入大於輸出, 輸入差不多等於輸出, 以及輸入小於輸出.

Through this model, people are born in a different class, race, ethnicity, gender, sexuality, physicality, religion, language, locality, and the rest of bio-social attributes, the output signifies what and who they and who should be valued or evaluated accordingly.

透過這個模式, 人類的先天與後天所造成的不平等, 經由個人對社會的輸出, 可以得到公正的理解.



In reality, we see some individuals who endowed and consume much more resources for various reasons than others, and if they contribute as much as what they consume, they are fine. If they contribute more than what they consume, they are nice, because their productivity benefits society and civilization can be progressive through their merits. If opposite, that is problematic. The squandering behaviors, unreasonable overconsumption deplete scarce/limited resources and impose tremendous stress to the ecosystem.

If people are deprived resources or with inadequate resources, and if the outcome is equivalent to the input, then they are good. But if they contribute more than the deprived input resources, they are great. If the output is less than the input, it is normal.

So, for example, when a person lacks quality education, health care, and job opportunities due to no fault of his/her own, but still contributes to society through a minimum wage, he/she is respectable. Conversely, a person born with the advantaged conditions in terms of class, race, ethnicity, locality, physicality, language, nationality, cultural capital…etc., plus personal high-quality traits, his/her success or achievements should be commensurate with the resources he/she is endowed, or obtains and consumes.

在社會上, 我們發現有些人消耗相當多的社會資源, 比如教育的成本, 醫療與保險資源, 工作的機會, 其他食衣住行方面的消耗, 以及對生態環境的影響. 如果他們也對社會產生等量的輸入的輸出貢獻, 這是好的. 如果他們貢獻的比輸入的多很多, 那那就更好, 社會可以因他們進展得又快又好. 如果並非如此, 反其道而行, 過度消費, 過度浪費, 尤其是炫耀性的消費, 把大多數的無權無財弱勢族群, 本來可藉以生存發展的資源, 若非被剝削, 即可能大量的被浪費掉. 此種行徑, 哪怕可能刺激假性的經濟成長, 也給社會與自然生態, 製造過度的負擔, 加重了整個生態環境與人口的問題.

如果社會中的人, 輸入的條件很差, 比如因膚色, 性別, 社會階級, 基因等等不如意的狀況, 加上資本財人脈財文化財上的缺失, 導致於身心發展以及個人性格上的特殊狀況, 然而盡心盡力, 做好份內工作, 對社會作出自己最大的貢獻, 那麼他/她就是一位成功的人, 值得社會與眾人的尊敬.

In this sense, there are numerous unknown heroes and heroines in every walk of life on this planet without glorious haloes, limelight, fame-n-wealth. They are at the bottom of the human pyramid, supporting the above super-structures. Most of them are kept there. To climb up the social ladder, like Mr. Zhao mentioned above, is an outlier, particularly in societies that are less open, have less room of upward social mobility. In human history, the 4 grand-scale of revolutions, one main purpose of them aimed at overthrowing the rigid social structures which privileged the dominant social class at the cost of sacrificing the massive, disadvantaged population. The idealism of pursuing equality and equity for human beings, thus, tends to attract well-educated, conscious, and conscientious individuals.

因此我們可以發現, 人類社會中存在著無數的無名英雄無名英雌, 他們盡其所能, 貢獻一己的力量, 默默無名的在人類金字塔的底層, 支撐上層社會的進展, 因此萬里長城, 金字塔, 羅浮宮,大英博物館, 老子的道德經, 荷馬的史詩, 莎士比亞的巨著…等等得以存在, 彰顯人類的無比的生產力, 想像力, 與創造力.

As to why there are numerous unknown heroes and heroines in many societies, the story can be long enough to be told. Perusing through human history, you find the four revolutions with one common purpose – to release the powerless, the exploited, the oppressed at the bottom of the food chain from the institutional injustice. To enhance the life chance/opportunity and social mobility, these revolutions brought forth tremendous upheavals and bloodsheds, whether in the beginning of the revolutions or the revolutions were done, due to the complexity of human nature or unpredictability of circumstances. A familiar proverb, “ The road to hell is paved with good intentions”, resonates with the above-mentioned conditions.

至於, 為何絕大多數的人, 如何成了無名英雄, 無名英雌, 這說來話長. 翻開人類歷史, 看看四大巨型革命, 基本上是對於人為制度的僵化與不公, 做出無比的挑戰, 企圖解放被鎖在社會的底層的受壓迫人民, 使之增強社會流動的空間與改變命運的機會. 但是執行人為的正義, 或者替天行道, 基於人性的複雜層面, 也產生各種不可預料的後果, 比如一句耳熟能詳的話, 畫龍點睛的指出, “通往地獄的道路, 通常是由善意鋪路成的.”

Indeed, in the human world, only a very few people are revolutionaries, and authentic ones are even rarer. Among them who could integrate theories, education, practice, organization, and actions to accomplish great tasks, if excluding current ideological discrepancies among groups and organizations within Taiwan and between two sides of the Taiwan Strait, I recognize Dr. Sun Yet-sen, being the one. Though he could be controversial due to the politico-economic complexity during that time, his establishing the very First Republic in Asia was a historically revolutionary event.

在人群當中, 堪稱革命者, 是鳳毛麟角, 而真正的革命者, 更是極其微乎其微. 在這非常特異的融合思想, 教育, 組織, 行動於一體的人中龍鳳, 如果摒棄黨派政經意識形態的紛爭下 (例如, 當前在台灣, 各式各樣新穎獨特和華眾取寵的時髦標籤: 客獨, 台獨, 華獨, 隱獨, 顯獨, 借獨, 篡獨, A獨...Z獨等等), 孫中山先生對獨立建國的看法是值得深思. 由於時局所趨, 孫中山先生的建國理念, 方策, 與實踐, 曾經頗多爭議, 但是他的智慧與膽識, 以及那個時代革命先賢的壯烈犧牲, 所創建的亞洲第一個民主共和國, 而不是一個 “專制 ‘共’ 夥國”, 是一件驚天動地的大事業, 日本做不到, 遑論印度韓國等等. 我們似乎可以看到孫中山先生的建國藍圖與理念, 一步一步地在台灣實現. 而另一個國家, 卻爭先恐後的要擁抱孫先生, 想與正統相連結, 孫先生如果在世, 恐怕會啼笑皆非, 悵然不知如何處置.

On October 10th, the courageous revolutionaries led by Dr. Sun Yet-sen overthrew the last - Qing dynasty in 1911, establishing the first Republic nation in Asia. Now Taiwan, based on her unique geo-historical condition in thriving for a democratic nation, reifying Dr. Sun’s legacy, continues being the beacon of freedom and democracy in the Far Eastern Asia.

In the end of this writing, I would like to quote one of Dr. Sun’s well-read advocacies of equity and equality for human beings in his Three People's Principles/Civil Rights Principles Third Lecture: ” I invented a principle in the past, saying that there are three groups of human population: the foresighted, the hind-sighted, and the unconscious (note, due to the interaction of the ascribed and achieved statuses). The first group is inventors, the latter is transmitters, and the unconscious group is the doers. To get work done entices the cooperation and coordination of these three types of people. Thus, the civilization of mankind can progress by leaps and bounds… Since humans are born with diverse conditions, enhancing equality and equity for everyone is the highest morality. Rational human beings will be treated as an end in themselves and not as a means to something else. To serve others, is to exist. Exploiting others has no place and shall not happen in human society. The able ones, contribute more; the lesser, serve as best as they can; even the plain ones, take good care of themselves. Thus, the ascribed advantaged and disadvantaged differences of socioeconomic statuses will be balanced out and find the midway to harmonize society."

拉雜地寫了一大串, 不如引用大家比較熟悉民權主義的第三講裡, 他言簡意賅地闡釋的平等精義, 作為本文的結語. 由於孫先生是學醫的, 也許對生物基因的做研究比較深入, 主張類似柏拉圖在其著作共和國中的人群三系 (Plato's ideal state was a republic with three categories of citizens: artisans, auxiliaries, and philosopher-kings). 但是對於形成階層的現象, 沒有文化歷史的釋因, 少有指出階層之間的垂直, 水平, 代間, 與結構性的流動的現象.

“… 我從前發明過一個道理，說世界人類得之天賦的才能，約可分為三種：一是先知先覺的；二是後知後覺的；三是不知不覺的。先知先覺的是發明家，後知後覺的是宣傳家，不知不覺的是實行家。這三種人互相為用，協力進行，然後人類的文明進步，才能夠一日千里… 天之生人，雖然有聰明才力的三種不平等，但是人心則必欲使之平等，這是道德上之最高目的，從此以後，要調和這三種人，使之平等，則人人應該以服務為目的，不當以奪取為目的。聰明才力愈大的人，當盡其能力以服千萬人之務，造千萬之福，聰明才力略小的人，當盡其能力而服十百人之務，造十百人之福，所謂「巧者拙之奴」，就是這個道理。至於全無聰明才力者，也應該盡一己之能力，以服一人之務，造一人之福。照這樣做去，雖天生人之聰明才力，有三種不平等，而人類由於服務的道德心發達，必可使之成為平等了，這就是平等的精義。)[1]

Conclusion:
I am not a Christian, but I read this text into my heart: “…But he that knew not, and did commit things worthy of stripes, shall be beaten with few stripes. For unto whomsoever much is given, of him shall be much required: and to whom men have committed much, of him they will ask the more. “ (King James, Luke 12:48)

我雖然不是基督徒, 但是這句話深得我心, “那受到恩寵, 被給予愈多的, 應需多付出.”
This is what I mean “the blessed are the servants of the unblessed.” 這正與老子所說 “既以為人己愈有, 既以與人己愈多”, 相輝映. 我想這平等的精義, 大概就是體現在佛陀所說的 ”眾生平等”, 老子所謂的 ”不積”, 耶穌所說的 ”恩寵與付出的平衡”, 以及孫中山先生所說的 ”巧者拙之奴”之中.

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上文中, 又提到 "任人唯賢" 的迷思. 我也曾在其他的網路, 或場合上表達我類似的淺見. 現在我再把它整理一下, 就教各位:

May 17 (M), 2021

“任人唯賢”這個理論與實際, 常常引起誤解與爭論. 下面這篇短文是根據我對社會學的一點了解, 提供參考. 敬請不吝賜教.

為什麼佛說眾生平等? 為什麼演戲的和看戲的, 一樣重要? 為什麼享受掌聲, 與鼓掌的人, 在人生舞台上, 一樣不可或缺?

為什麼居於廟堂之上, 擁有名利權勢的人, 與日日為生計奔波, 在野的升斗小民, 一樣值得重視?

為什麼一些流行歌曲, 第一個原唱者, 就變成受聽者永遠的愛戴, 再唱者或翻唱者, 則不太被重視, 即使唱得比原唱者好.

為什麼社會對表演者歌唱者, 給與金錢名利的豐賜, 而對作曲填詞編曲者和劇本寫者, 不太熟悉?
到底誰比較有天份, 有原創力, 是原作者, 原創者, 還是按照曲調, 按照劇本的表演者?

唯能唯賢體制, 是指一個社會中, 人的社經地位聲望成就成就, 是根據個人的能力, 而不是 由於家世背景, 或其擁有的錢財權勢地位庇蔭. 也就是說在社會階層化的過程中, 是根據個人的能力, 居高或處下, 而不是其他有力的支援與助力, 或不利的阻饒與拖垮的因素.

這是一個很理想化的體制. 要實現真正的唯能唯賢體制, 很少出現, 因為理論它是在一個公正平等的社會, 人人基於經社平等的立足點, 沒有種族, 族群, 性別, 體能, 語言, 社會階級, 以及其他類似生物, 經社文化的差異, 人人在起跑點上, 公平競爭, 公平評審, 然後在跑道上努力奮鬥, 已達終點, 決定勝負.

這個現像很類似於田徑競賽中, 一較勝負. 但是體育競賽, 畢竟是比一般的社會現象來的單純的多. 人類的社會是具有文化的複雜性. 而且接力賽就有一點不同, 因為 雖然棒棒皆好, 然而每一棒不盡然完全有相同的能力與速度.

世代的遞禪傳承, 很像是接力賽跑, 一棒接著一棒, 有的是弱棒接弱棒, 終究是不能贏的. 如果強棒肉弱棒交替夾雜, 那麼成功和失敗,就可能會相互抵消掉. 有的則是強棒接強棒, 更是一棒比一棒強, 那麼勝利是在望的. 如果當中有一棒摔跤, 除非有超級強棒來彌補 缺失, 得勝利很難有望. 這種世代間成就與失落的交替現象, 社會學把它叫做社經地位的世代流動.



一般人的功成名就, 絕大多數是取決於家庭的”文化財”, 包括經濟財, 教育財,社會財,. 也就是俗話所說的天脈地脈人脈, 家世背景等, 也就是比隱 而不見的家境傳承, 而不是比這一代努 了多少力. 一個生命人在出生之前, 命已定在運之前. 一個生命發展中, 條件與資源已已經存先天性不公平的安排. 有些文化歸之於宿命, 但也有社會嘗試改變偏歧的社會制度, 以求大多數人 有機會發展潛能, 而不是由少數的優勢群體人口, 壟斷社會經濟文化, 機會與資源.

在封閉傳統的社會, 祖先若出了一個強棒的話, 那麼子孫站在強棒的肩頭上, 那麼可比別人少奮鬥個一二十年, 有時候, 根本就不用奮鬥, 就 比如烏龜出生在終點線上的話, 那不論兔子跑得多快, 勝負早就決定了. 人們看到的光鮮耀眼的成功, 就大加羨慕愛戴, 奉為上人. 一如 “增廣賢文” 中所言, "有錢道真語，無錢語不真," “不信但看筵中酒，杯杯先敬有錢人".

歷史上, 比如大禹治水. 他的功勞太大了, 人民感懷他的恩德, 擁戴他的兒子袞, 繼續領導. 演變成了世襲制度的開端. 孔子的人倫道德理念, 符合某些皇族權貴治國安邦的理念, 得到尊崇, 比如漢武帝, 罷黜百家, 獨尊儒術. 之後孔子的子子孫孫, 備受禮遇. 然而如果祖先是弱棒衰棒, 或者是有所造孽, 賭債如山, 他們子孫生命困頓的歷程, 要比別人長好幾倍, 甚至於沉淪顛沛數代. 這可能就是傳統道德理念, 尤其是家有所成, 或者權貴官宦, 書香門第, 對於慎終追遠, 飲水思源, 感恩祖先的保佑庇蔭, 極為懷恩, 慎重祭祀 . 祈為風行草偃, 來感化普通老百姓的心, 也積德, 來日庇佑子孫.

大家所熟悉的紅樓夢中榮國府寧國府, 由於曹家的一位母輩做了皇儲的奶娘, 她的孩子當了皇子的童伴, 建立了深厚的感情. 爾後贾演和贾源兩兄弟這兩個強棒祖先, 得到機會為大清帝國效忠, 立功封爵, 共同開創了榮寧兩府的百年基業, 因此賈元春有機會入宮做女史，二十四歲時加封贤德妃, 為賈家錦上添花, 庇蔭子孫, 繁榮五代, 這就可能即為傳統的社會崇拜祖先, 積德庇後, 成為一項很重要的家訓.

話說回來, 俗言 “富不過三代, 貧不過三代” , “眼看他起大樓, 眼看他樓塌了” , “三十年風水輪流轉”, “十年河東, 十年河西” 等等, 來解釋世代的社會流動現象, 並非透過外在社會制度的 變遷與改善, 而是經由內在個人的 堅毅不拔勤奮向上 的力量, 逐漸改變向上社會流動的機運, 或者經由個人安逸淫樂, 頹廢腐化的自生性陷入向下社會流動的陷阱. 一代不如一代的現象, 似乎是 比 "一代比一代強", 似乎比較接近人性之常情. 司馬光的 “訓儉示康” 提到 " 吾今日之俸, 雖舉家錦衣玉食, 何患不能, 顧人之常情, 由儉入奢易,由奢入儉難, 吾今日之俸, 豈能常存?” 這家喻能曉的格言, 指出安逸舒適, 是一般人喜愛的渴望的生活狀態, 所以古話又說 “生於憂患, 死於安樂”, “人無遠慮,必有近憂” , 來警惕縱慾貪歡, 渾噩頹廢的不良結果.

當然了此處的強弱成敗, 是如何的定義, 可能是見仁見智. 一般社會所謂的進化, 尤其是社會學上的觀點, 是指人物對環境適應能力的增強. 而其他的定義可能是指身, 心, 以及生態環境趨於健全的狀況.

這種靠個人機運與成就, 來改變後代子孫的命運的模式, 其實是很像 “擬似個人主義” 的展現, 與一般刻板印像中, 東方社會的群體主義略有不同. 也許是透過個人主義的成就來影響家族的興隆, 是群體主義的一種看法吧.

在傳統封建帝制貴族官僚的君權神權父權統治時代, 95%到99的人口是升斗小民, 受困於無知無識的束縛, 一如雞犬牛馬, 受制於人類的 控制與剝削. 國家無事, 則日出而作日落而息, 繳糧納稅, 有事則官方徵兵打仗. 官僚制度易形成剝削壓榨老百姓的利器. 知道西方啟蒙人本主義, 群眾訴求立法行政, 來改善政治制度度. 人文主義, 人道思想, 與人本主義, 要等到15世紀的啟蒙運動之後, 才慢慢由西方傳入.

人文主義, 來自於拉丁文中的humanitas. 古代羅馬作家西塞羅曾經用了這個字. 德國啟蒙運動時代的哲學家將人類統稱為Humanität. 人文主義是指一種能夠使個人的才能得到最大限度地發展, 具有人道精神的教育制度. 是在十五世紀新興的資產階級中逐漸形成的. 人道主義是指文藝復興的精神要求通過教育和發揚古希臘和羅馬文化, 使個人的才能得到充分的發展. 在資產階級興起的過程中, 人道主義反對封建教會專制, 重視個人為主體.

但是有多少個人的潛能得以發展? 又是哪些人, 有機會有資源, 得以發展潛能, 成就自我? 所謂倉稟實而後知禮義, 衣食足而後知榮辱, 既得利益的優勢團體, 掌握絕大多數的社會資源與機會, 為保持現狀, 維護既得利益, 反對抗拒改革, 陷95%以上的人口入於無知無識,易剝削好控制的絕大多數. 這基本上就是馬克思恩克斯, 洞燭機先, 指出為社會階級壓迫的不公. 由於冰凍三尺, 改革緩慢或無濟於事, 必要時以革命的手段, 來進行制度的徹底改變. 這大概為什麼既得利益保守派,痛恨共產思想的原因之一吧?

然而誰去當馬前卒? 誰去奮勇犧牲? 誰去成就一將功成萬骨枯?
莫言曾對景感嘆地寫出, “烽火連天, 只為改朝換代, 屍橫遍野, 盡是農工子弟.”

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[1] Refer to: https://zh.m.wikisource.org/zh-hant/%E4%B8%89%E6%B0%91%E4%B8%BB%E7%BE%A9